2014/11/5 「單親寡母的「活菩薩」」

講義人物

單親寡母的「活菩薩」

摘錄自：講義雜誌電子報                      2014/11/5

文‧採訪/邱盈盈

受助母親向陳楊麗蓉感激獻吻（照片/寒梅基金會提供） 

「寡母真的很可憐，每當我看到這些沒有錢的媽媽，辛苦把孩子帶大，都忍不住想哭。」出生臺南，今年高齡八十歲的陳楊麗蓉，操著一口不太流利的國語，輕訴自己走過喪夫陰霾，決定把單親媽媽堅忍不拔的力量，轉移到幫助寡母身上，成立「寒梅基金會」。陳楊麗蓉至今已捐出超過八百六十萬元，幫助四百多名單親媽媽。

早年臺灣傳統婦女「嫁機隨雞、嫁狗隨狗」的觀念，也深植陳楊麗蓉心中，本以為嫁做人婦後，可以有先生厚實肩膀依靠，安穩度過一生，二十六歲時，先生卻因病過世。她形容，當時心情是「所有人生希望，在一夕間失去」，只能終日以淚洗面。陳楊麗蓉接受講義專訪時說，類似遭遇，換做是有穩定工作收入，或高學歷、就業容易的女性，或許還不會感到如此無助。然而只會織毛線衣、做家庭代工的她，在喪夫後，面對年僅四歲、七歲的兩名幼女，陳楊麗蓉告訴自己，只能咬牙撐下去。

先生過世半年後，陳楊麗蓉在母親提議下，開始到公司上班。或許是為母則強使然，沒有經商經驗的她，一肩挑起先生生前經營屋瓦的生意，好比摸著石頭過河般，慢慢把女兒拉拔長大。

「寡母每天面臨的生活壓力，真的不是一般人可以想像，」陳楊麗蓉回憶，當時自己還年輕，家中沒有男人依靠，三天兩頭就遭人欺負找麻煩，再多苦水也只能往肚裏吞。

初接手屋瓦生意那年，正巧遇上臺南白河大地震，民間屋瓦需求量非常大。心地善良的她，不僅沒有跟隨同行腳步，趁機海撈一筆，反而主動降低售價，甚至提供免費屋瓦給貧困的受災戶重建家園。「或許是因為知道失去至親的痛，所以把金錢看成身外之物，」陳楊麗蓉說，屋瓦生意漸漸打穩基礎，在地方做出口碑，只要母女三餐溫飽，她便將多餘的金錢拿出來，幫助更需要的人。身旁親友一度看不下去，勸她多替小孩想，但她認為這樣做才能讓金錢產生更大的價值。

那段兼顧工廠和家庭的歲月，陳楊麗蓉不只母兼父職，還得兼木工、水泥工。有一次，陳楊麗蓉在工廠忙，聽說女兒掉進水溝，騎著腳踏車飛也似地抵達現場，才發現女兒是被同學欺負故意推下去，當下只能為自己打氣，「幸好女兒還有媽媽，我不能倒下。」當女兒逐漸長大、家境慢慢改善後，陳楊麗蓉發願在每年丈夫的忌日：農曆七月二十三日當天，捐贈十到十二名弱勢單親媽媽，每人一萬元急難生活救助金。四十多年來，一共累計捐出八百六十萬元，也讓陳楊麗蓉成為南臺灣寡母眼中的「活菩薩」。

陳楊麗蓉說，自從開始幫助寡母後，每年丈夫忌日，她不但沒有感覺寂寞，還可以和十多位單親媽媽聚在一起，互相打氣，也吐一吐平常無處宣洩的苦水。陳楊麗蓉也不好意思地說，每次活動大家分享個人遭遇時，自己往往是哭聲最大的那一個。

陳楊麗蓉剛開始發願幫助寡母時，是透過國民黨臺南縣黨部婦工組代為捐贈，當時她既不願曝光，更不願接受採訪，只想低調行善不欲人知。直到民國七十年，陳楊麗蓉才被社工員周明泉一封感謝信打動，正式公開與受助的單親媽媽們接觸。

年紀漸長，陳楊麗蓉難免擔心自己隨時可能離開人世。她欣慰地說，大女兒目前在金融業服務，小女兒則做建築師，從小受到媽媽影響，養成省吃儉用的習慣，遇到單親家庭也都會幫忙捐贈。

為了讓這份愛能夠永久流傳下去，陳楊麗蓉選擇在民國九十六年六月，捐出一千萬元成立「寒梅社會福利慈善事業基金會」，希望拋磚引玉，帶動更多社會善心人士慷慨解囊，持續幫助單親婦女。女兒勸她：「捐錢做善事就好，何必成立基金會把自己搞得這麼累？」陳楊麗蓉強調，成立基金會不是為了追求名利或炫耀自己的功勞，而是希望能永續運作。

陳楊麗蓉說，曾有位單親媽媽，先生因工作意外觸電死亡，留下她和四名兒女。大女兒為減輕媽媽負擔，十七歲就休學，開始工作養弟妹，結果不幸發生交通意外過世。這個媽媽難過到想跳海，所幸及時被海巡署人員發現，最後因為孩子一句：「我已經沒有爸爸了，千萬不能再沒有媽媽。」讓她放棄輕生念頭，否則社會很可能因此多出三名孤兒。

陳楊麗蓉認為，單親路上的孤寂與坎坷，絕非一般人能夠想像，寡母不單只需要金錢資助，更需要心靈的陪伴。寒梅基金會每年選出十名受助媽媽，讓她們彼此認識、相互扶持，遇困難時還會主動引薦社工幫忙。期盼外界可以發揮愛心，替照顧寡母盡一份心力。寒梅基金會專線（06）6323041。

2013/12/31 「獨身女性是美國成長最快的族群」

獨身女性是美國成長最快的族群

摘錄自：天下雜誌 經濟學人電子報                        2013/12/27

2013-12-19 Web only 作者：經濟學人

圖片來源：flickr.com/photos/yourdon/

結婚率緩步下滑，正逐漸顛覆美國政治版圖。在2012年總統選舉中，獨身女性佔總投票近四分之一，而且她們大多投給歐巴馬；歐巴馬在這個族群的得票率領先對手36個百分點。

你或許會認為，這個包括未婚大學生、都會單身母親和離婚專業人士的族群並沒有太多共同點。但獨身女性對民主黨極為忠誠──前提是她們有去投票，而許多人並不會投票（寡婦是個例外，和已婚女性一樣比較常投票）。總體來看，女性一向支持民主黨：歐巴馬的女性得票率領先羅姆尼11個百分點。以此觀之，「婚姻落差」超越了性別落差。

就像科學家會爭論量子物理，部分政治專家也在思考，「獨身女性」是否足以成為一個選民族群，還是說這個標籤只不過包括了各種左傾選民區塊：年輕人、窮人、較世俗派的美國人，以及非白人。要不是三大相互關聯的發展，那應該只是個有趣的形上學問題。

其一，獨身女性是美國成長最快的族群，2000年為4,500萬人，今日已增至5,300萬人──理論上，這讓她們成了最大的選民區塊，比黑人和西班牙矞加起來還要多（但實際上互有重疊）。

其二，民主黨人、特別是歐巴馬團隊，利用民調、登門造訪、商用消費者資料區等各種工具，找出了精確描繪選民的方法。在黑暗時代（亦即2008年之前），競選活動可能會地毯式地掃過黑人和民主黨支持者的主要居住區，鼓勵他們出來投票，並以付費廣告塞滿空中的電波，將時間和金錢浪費在本來就會投票、從來不會投票、可能會投給共和黨的族群身上。現在，眾人在談的是瞄準「特定族群」：將資源集中於只要稍稍說服就會投給正確候選人的人。

由結果來看，要是將婚姻狀況與性別、種族、收入、地理等因素一同考慮，就能更有效率地達成兩大競選宣傳目標，亦即說服中間選民，以及鼓動忠誠但零集散佈的支持者；在購買電視節目廣告、針對特定街道散發傳單之時，情況亦是如此。選民登記專家嘉納（Page Gardner）已製作了各種模型，可以精確地找出獨身女性；保守派在這方面仍舊處於落後。

民主黨募款者、柯林頓夫婦的親信麥克奧利菲（Terry McAuliffe）在11月的維吉尼亞州長選舉中險勝，其競選團隊中的重要人物哈爾（Michael Halle）表示，受到民主黨催票小組特別關注的選民之中，有2/3是獨身女性。麥克奧利菲在獨身女性族群的得票率，比共和黨對手古奇耐里（Ken Cuccinelli）高了42個百分點，因此，麥克奧利菲的勝利可說是來自獨身女性（古奇耐里在已婚女性族群贏了9個百分點）。

第三項重大發展或許可以解釋這個現象：共和黨擁抱的政策和口號，可能被人精巧地用來激怒並團結各種獨身女性。以古奇耐里為例，他獲得提名讓許多共和黨重要人物喪氣，也讓許多激進保守派十分興奮；他是小政府的狂熱支持者，也是反對墮胎、同志權益和無過失離婚的社會保守派。哈爾開心地回憶道，各種不同攻擊策略的測試民調顯示，古奇耐里的社會聖戰激怒了單身女性。

務實派共和黨人知道，共和黨得壓低社會保守主義的聲量才行。即使如此，共和黨可能還是難以討好單身女性；民主黨民調專家雷克（Celinda Lake）表示，不同種族、年齡、階級、宗教的女性，是為了照顧自己而團結，也讓她們比較有機會支持她們視作安全網的強大政府。共和黨希望政府「別管我們」，但那在得自立更生的女性、特別是得獨自照顧小孩的女性耳中，聽起來是另一回事。

維吉尼亞亦反映了此事。布萊思（Tawana Bryant）為維州首府瑞奇蒙的全美有色人種協進會動員黑人選民，同時也在敬拜讚美釋放教會擔任單親媽媽的輔導人員，在墮胎議題上亦採行保守路線；過去，她會在州級和郡級選舉中投給共和黨，但經濟改變了她的看法。布萊恩表示，許多單親媽媽得長時間工作而且沒有醫療保險，連照顧小孩都有困難。由於共和黨誓言裁減食品券並對抗任何醫療補助擴增，她認為「你就是得支持民主黨」。

共和黨不會放棄父母結縭有益小孩的信念，也不會停止質疑歐巴馬的「國家丈夫」破壞了家庭健全。但有些人認為，共和黨應該更努力避免引發單身女性反感才是；共和黨顧問公司共同創立者蓋吉（Katie Packer Gage）提出了一些較為和緩的手段，例如試圖理解獨身女性眼中的世界「有些不同」。代表部分瑞奇蒙貧窮地區的民主黨州議員麥克拉倫（Jennifer McClellan），亦提出了相似的觀點：她代表的單親媽媽知道生活十分「複雜」，也希望政治人物認清這一點。至今，這種同情和務實訴求一直站在民主黨這一邊；對共和黨來說，聽聽這樣的聲音沒什麼不好。（黃維德譯）

©The Economist Newspaper Limited 2013

經濟學人英文原文

The Economist

Lexington

The marriage gap

By The Economist

From The Economist

Published: December 19, 2013

Dec 14th 2013 | From the print edition

Republicans should worry that unmarried women shun them.

THE slow decline of marriage is upending American politics. In the 2012 presidential election, unmarried women accounted for nearly a quarter of all votes cast. Their votes went decisively to Barack Obama, by 36 percentage points.

You might not think that a group that runs from not-yet-married college students to inner-city single mothers and divorced professionals had much in common. Yet unmarried women are spectacularly loyal to the Democrats—if they vote, which many do not. (Widows are outliers, voting more like married women.) The "marriage gap" dwarfs the sex gap, by which women as a whole have long favoured Democrats: Mr Obama beat Mitt Romney by a less dramatic 11 points among female voters.

Like boffins squabbling about quantum physics, some political types wonder whether "unmarried women" amount to a discrete voter block at all, or whether the label merely sweeps up various left-leaning slices of the electorate: ie, younger voters, poorer ones, more secular Americans and non-whites. That would be no more than an interesting metaphysical question, but for three big and inter-related developments.

First, unmarried women are one of America's fastest-growing groups, leaping from 45m in 2000 to around 53m today—making them, in theory, a larger block of eligible voters than blacks and Hispanics put together (though in reality the groups overlap).

Second, Democrats—notably the Obama crowd—have found ways to map the electorate with unprecedented precision, using everything from polls and doorstep canvassing to commercial consumer databases. In the Dark Ages (ie, before 2008), campaigns might have blanketed majority-black city blocks or mostly-Democratic neighbourhoods with appeals to register and vote, while saturating the airwaves with paid advertising. That wasted time and money on those who always vote anyway, those who never vote, and those who (gasp) might vote Republican. Now the talk is of target "universes": focusing resources on those who need just a nudge to come out and vote the right way.

It turns out that two principal campaign tasks—persuading swing voters, and turning out loyal but sporadic supporters—are made far more efficient if marital status is added to the mix, alongside such markers as sex, race, income and geography. That holds equally true when buying advertising alongside the right TV shows, and when leafleting selected homes in specific streets. Nationally, Page Gardner, a voter-registration expert, has crafted models that allow unmarried women to be found with great accuracy. Conservatives are still playing catch-up.

In November's election for governor of Virginia—a race won narrowly by Terry McAuliffe, a Democratic fundraiser and member of Bill and Hillary Clinton's inner circle—fully two-thirds of voters chosen for special attention by Democratic get-out-the-vote teams were unmarried women, says Michael Halle, a McAuliffe campaign guru. Unmarried women voted for Mr McAuliffe by a thumping 42 percentage-point margin over his Republican rival, Ken Cuccinelli, arguably handing him victory. (Married women backed Mr Cuccinelli by nine points.)

For an explanation, consider a third big development: the Republicans' embrace of policies and slogans that might have been laboratory-crafted to upset and unite different types of unmarried women. A case in point is Mr Cuccinelli, whose candidacy dismayed establishment Republicans as much as it excited conservative activists. He is a shrink-the-government zealot: targets for his ire extend to municipal swimming pools (for crowding out the private sector). He is also a social conservative who opposes abortion, gay rights and no-fault divorce (as a state legislator, he proposed a bill to make divorce harder if one party disagreed). Poll-testing of different attacking strategies found single women outraged by Mr Cuccinelli's social crusades. "Divorce was a big one," Mr Halle fondly recalls.

Pragmatic Republicans know the party needs to tone down its social conservatism. But even so, it may struggle with singletons. Celinda Lake, a Democratic pollster, says single women of differing races, ages, classes and religiosity are united by a sense of fending for themselves. That makes them more likely to favour a strong role for government as a safety net. Republican appeals for the state to "leave us alone" sound different to women who are in fact on their own: especially those trying to support children.

The view from Virginia

That is reflected in Virginia. Tawana Bryant mobilises black voters for the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People in Richmond, the state capital. Ms Bryant, who also ministers to single mothers at the Worship and Praise Deliverance Church, takes a conservative line on abortion. That used to prompt her to vote Republican in state and county elections. Economics changed her mind. Many single mothers work long hours in jobs that offer no health coverage and leave them struggling to feed their kids, Ms Bryant says. With Republicans vowing to cut food stamps and fight any expansion of subsidised health care, she argues, "You have to go with the Democrats."

Republicans are not about to ditch their belief that children do better when their parents are married, nor their suspicion that Mr Obama's "Hubby State", as some call it, undermines strong families. But some think it would be wise to try harder not to repel single women. Katie Packer Gage, a co-founder of a Republican consultancy aimed at women, suggests some modest steps, among them understanding that the world looks "a little different" for unmarried women. Jennifer McClellan, a Democratic state legislator for some tough bits of Richmond, makes a related point: the single mothers she represents know that life is "complicated", and want politicians who recognise that too. Such appeals to compassion and pragmatism have favoured Democrats to date. It would not kill Republicans to listen too.

©The Economist Newspaper Limited 2013